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The religious leaders from the Albanian Roman Catholic
Church, Islamic Community, Orthodox
Church and Bektashi Community signed an historic
“Statement of Shared Moral Commitment” on March 18,
2005.
These religious leaders of Albania, whose communities
endured great suffering during the Cold War, jointly
acknowledged their diverse faith traditions, affirmed
their shared moral values, and committed themselves to
work together to promote a vibrant civil society in
Albania. They also called upon the relevant national
authorities to protect religious freedom.
Four Religions, One language, One Nation Indivisible
During the signing ceremony moderated by Religions for
Peace and attended by leading national figures and
representatives of many foreign embassies, the Statement
was presented by the religious leaders to the Albanian
peoples. The religious leaders pledged to work together
on the development of civil society and the growth of
religious freedom. During the ceremony, The Prime
Minister of Albania, H. E. Fatos Nano, declared his
support for the multi-religious initiative, stating that
“these religious leaders are far more important (to
Albania) than any political officer.”
The event marked an important step in a year long
process facilitated by Religions for Peace designed to
support the leadership of the heads of the Albanian
religious communities. Religions for Peace has worked to
facilitate the formation of action-oriented
multi-religious councils throughout Southeast Europe. In
November 2004, the European Council of Religions for
Peace convened a major meeting in Brussels of Southeast
European religious leaders around the topic of religious
harmony in the region.
Special Report 3
INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT ON Kosova
source: Excerpted from The International Religious
Freedom Report for 2005
November 8, 2005
Kosova continued to be administered under the civil
authority of the U.N. Interim Administrative Mission in
Kosova (UNMIK), pursuant to U.N. Security Council
Resolution (UNSCR) 1244. This resolution called for
"substantial autonomy and meaningful
self-administration" for the persons of Kosova "within
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." UNMIK and its chief
administrator, the Special Representative of the
Secretary General (SRSG), established a civil
administration in 1999, following the conclusion of the
NATO military campaign that forced the withdrawal of
Yugoslav and Serbian forces from Kosova. Since that
time, the SRSG and UNMIK, with the assistance of the
international community, have worked with local leaders
to build the institutions and expertise necessary for
self-government under UNSCR 1244. UNSCR 1244 also formed
an international peacekeeping force in Kosova (KFOR)
mandated to deter hostilities and establish secure
conditions.
The UNMIK-promulgated Constitutional Framework provides
for freedom of religion, as does UNMIK Regulation
1999/24 on applicable law in Kosova; UNMIK and the
provisional institutions of self-government (PISG)
generally respected this right in practice. Respect for
religious freedom increased somewhat during the period
covered by this report. However, most of the tensions
between Kosova's Albanians and Serb populations were
largely rooted in ethnic, rather than religious, bias.
Catholic institutions were not targets. Attacks on
Orthodox religious sites significantly decreased after
the March 2004 riots.
The U.S. Government discusses religious freedom issues
with UNMIK, the PISG, and religious representatives in
Kosova as part of its overall policy of promoting human
rights. The U.S. Government also supports UNMIK and KFOR
in their security and protection arrangements for
churches and patrimonial sites. In December 2004, the
SRSG and KFOR commander signed a memorandum of
understanding (MOU) which specifies response mechanisms
and cooperation between the KPS and KFOR to maintain
order. Contingency plans for riot control have been
revised, and now include operational presence in
municipalities and permanent contact among local police,
UNMIK, communities, village leaders and local
authorities.
In January 2005, under a new community policing
initiative, UNMIK police began phased deployment of 350
international police officers to 30 locations in the
region--sites for potential return of a displaced Serb
population and those inhabited by Serbs.
Section I. Religious Demography
Kosova has an area of approximately 4,211 square miles
and its population is approximately 2 million. Islam is
the predominant faith, professed by most of the majority
ethnic Albanian population, the Bosniak, Gorani, and
Turkish communities, and some in the Roma/Ashkali/Egyptian
community, although religion is not a significant factor
in public life. Religious rhetoric is largely absent
from public discourse, mosque attendance is low, and
public displays of conservative Islamic dress and
culture are minimal. The Kosova Serb population, of
whomapproximately 100,000 reside in Kosova and 225,000
in Serbia and Montenegro, is largely Serbian Orthodox.
Approximately 3 percent of ethnic Albanians are Roman
Catholic. Protestants make up less than one percent of
the population and have small populations in most of
Kosova's cities. Approximately 40 persons from two
families in Prizren have some Jewish roots, but there
are no synagogues or Jewish institutions.
Foreign clergy actively practice and proselytize. There
are Muslim, Orthodox, Catholic, and Protestant
missionaries active in Kosova. There are approximately
69 faith-based or religious organizations registered
with UNMIK which list their goals as the provision of
humanitarian assistance or faith-based outreach.
Restrictions on Religious Freedom
During the period covered by this report, Kosova
political leaders--government and political party
officials--have increasingly called for tolerance.
During the end of August and the beginning of September
2004, then-Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi and SRSG Soren
Jessen-Petersen visited Serb-inhabited areas in the
municipalities of Gjilan/Gnijlane, Novoberde/Novo Brdo,
Prizren, Mitrovice/Mitrovica, and Peje/Pec, appealing to
Kosova-Serbs to return. On February 27, 2005, former
Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj addressed a letter to
Kosova citizens calling upon them to respect the rule of
law and exercise tolerance, stating: "The Albanian
majority has a special obligation towards the Serb
community. They should be able to move freely in Kosova."
During an April 2005 visit to Montenegro, Minister for
Local Government Administration along with Minister for
Returns and Communities Slavisha Petkovic, Minister of
Local Government Administration Lutfi Haziri, appealed
to all of Kosova's displaced to return home.
Forced Religious Conversion
There were no reports of forced religious conversion,
including of minor U.S. citizens who had been abducted
or illegally removed from the United States, or of the
government authorities' refusal to allow such citizens
to be returned to the United States.
Abuses by Terrorist Organizations
There were no reported abuses targeted at specific
religions by terrorist organizations during the period
covered by this report.
Kosova conflict is not a religious issue
Europe Report N°105
This report seeks to describe the current position of
the three major religious communities in Kosova. In
part, it aims to clarify misconceptions about the
involvement of religion in the Kosova conflict. It also
proposes some areas where religion might serve as a
means to encourage reconciliation among the peoples of
Kosova.
Three religions – Islam, Orthodoxy, and Catholicism,
have long coexisted in Kosova. A large majority of
Kosova Albanians consider themselves, at least
nominally, to be Muslim. A minority, about 60,000, are
Catholic. Most Kosova Serbs, even those who are not
active religious believers, consider Orthodoxy to be an
important component of their national identity.
Nevertheless, despite this essential division of
religious activities along ethnic lines, it cannot be
said that religion per se was an important contributing
factor in the conflict between Serbs and Albanians.
Kosova Albanians do not define their national identity
through religion, but through language and have a
relatively relaxed approach towards the observance of
the forms of the Islamic religion. Neither Islamic
leaders nor Islamic theology played a significant role
in either the eight-year campaign of non-violent
resistance to the Serb occupation regime or the armed
resistance of 1998-99. Islamic political and social
fundamentalism, as that term is understood with respect
to the Middle East, has very little resonance in Kosova.
The image of Kosova Serbs and their monasteries, usually
portrayed as suffering harassment and persecution by the
Albanian majority population, formed a part of the
nationalist propaganda that Milosevic and his supporters
used to manipulate popular emotions. The Serbian
Orthodox Church, however, was always divided over
Milosevic. It initially supported him in large part to
end what it saw as the victimisation of the Serb nation
under Communism and to reverse the decline of the Serb
presence in Kosova. But Milosevic’s Communist career
made the Church uneasy, as did his use of violence. By
the early 1990s, Patriarch Pavle was publicly
criticising Milosevic although some other members of the
Orthodox hierarchy continued to support him. After the
1999 war, Bishop Artemije, the head of the Orthodox
Church in Kosova, assumed the leadership of those Serbs
willing to work with the International community there.
The Serbian and Albanian religious communities have been
more willing to talk to each other than other sectors of
Kosova society. As early as March 1999, before the
NATO-led intervention, representatives appointed by the
leaders of the three main religious communities in
Kosova (Islamic, Orthodox and Roman Catholic) held a
joint meeting in Pristina that was convened by the World
Conference on Religion and Peace (WCRP) to facilitate
dialogue. The representatives expressed opposition to
the misuse of religion for political reasons on all
sides and called on all parties not to use religious
symbols to promote violence or intolerance. They also
expressed their determination to maintain direct
contacts between the religious communities and to build
channels of communication. An informal level of dialogue
has continued on a regular basis between some members of
the three main religious communities. These interfaith
meetings still contain some risks for the participants,
but they can be useful for facilitating a better climate
of tolerance and understanding between the ethnic
communities and might appropriately be the focus of
greater international community support.
ISLAM IN KosovaBY GIL BUTLER (PRISTINA)
DATE=3/27/98
TYPE=BACKGROUND REPORT
NUMBER=5-39390
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
INTRO: THE ETHNIC DISPUTE IN YUGOSLAVIA'S Kosova
PROVINCE IS SOMETIMES DESCRIBED IN RELIGIOUS TERMS. MOST
-- ALTHOUGH NOT ALL ALBANIAN KosovaRS ARE MUSLIMS. MOST
SERBIANS ARE ORTHODOX CHRISTIANS. V-O-A CORRESPONDENT
GIL BUTLER HAS BEEN EXAMINING THE ROLE OF ISLAM IN
Kosova.
TEXT:
MUSLIM CALL TO PRAYER
TWELVE NOON, FRIDAY, THE LARGEST MOSQUE IN PRISTINA, THE
CAPITAL OF Kosova.
ON THIS FREEZING MARCH DAY WHILE NEARBY MOSQUES APPEARED
TO HAVE FEW WORSHIPPERS, THE LARGE MOSQUE WAS FILLED
WITH MEN, MANY OF THEM OLDER, BUT SOME YOUNG MEN AS
WELL.
PRAYER - FADE UNDER
ISLAM DOES NOT SEEM TO BE AN OVERLY BURDENSOME FAITH FOR
ETHNIC ALBANIANS HERE. ALCOHOL IS SERVED IN MUSLIM-OWNED
CAFES AND RESTAURANTS. AND A LOT OF THE PEOPLE DRINK
WINE, BEER, OR SPIRITS. IT IS RARE TO SEE MUSLIM PRAYER
BEADS BEING USED. AND MUSLIMS HERE DO NOT SEEM TO STOP
EVERYTHING AND PRAY FIVE TIMES A DAY AS IS COMMON IN
EGYPT OR SAUDI ARABIA.
SOME YOUNG PEOPLE HAVE NEVER BEEN INSIDE A MOSQUE,
ALTHOUGH THEY IDENTIFY THEMSELVES AS MUSLIMS. MOST
MUSLIM FAMILIES CELEBRATE ISLAMIC FEASTS, BUT MANY ALSO
LOOK FORWARD TO FEASTING AT CHRISTMAS TIME. |
